Abu Mohammed al-Jawlani: A Terrorist in Disguise and the Mirage of Syrian Liberation

Abu Mohammed al-Jawlani: A Terrorist in Disguise and the Mirage of Syrian Liberation

Edited by: Fern Sidman

In the aftermath of Bashar al-Assad’s departure from Syria, the chaos of a fractured nation has presented an alarming vacuum filled by figures such as Abu Mohammed al-Jawlani, the controversial leader of Hayat Tahrir al-Sham (HTS). As noted in a recently published report in The Guardian of the UK, al-Jawlani and the Islamist insurgent alliance he commands have captured significant swathes of Syria in a rapid and forceful offensive. Yet, despite his attempts to rebrand as a moderate leader, al-Jawlani’s ties to extremism and his organization’s foundation in Syria’s branch of al-Qaeda remain inescapable.

Abu Mohammed al-Jawlani, leader of HTS.

In 2013, the US named him a specially designated global terrorist & offered a $10m reward for information leading to his capture.

UN, US, UK and a number of other countries consider HTS an al-Qaeda affiliate and yet are cheering them on. pic.twitter.com/RhnSZUf9NV

— The Merciless One (@pete_nicoll) December 8, 2024

Under his leadership, HTS has sought to portray itself as a legitimate revolutionary force against Assad’s regime. However, as The Guardian of the UK report highlights, al-Jawlani’s shift in rhetoric and style is more a tactical façade than a substantive change in ideology. Thomas Pierret, a specialist in political Islam, aptly describes him as a “pragmatic radical,” emphasizing how al-Jawlani has strategically moderated his rhetoric to attract support while maintaining extremist objectives.

In an interview with CNN, al-Jawlani proclaimed, “The goal of the revolution remains the overthrow of this regime. It is our right to use all available means to achieve that goal.” These words signal his commitment to leveraging violence and terror, cloaked in the guise of revolutionary fervor. For years, he operated in the shadows, emerging only recently to lead HTS publicly and make media appearances. His calculated visibility, such as his recent visit to Aleppo’s citadel dressed in khaki fatigues, sheds light on a bid to appear relatable to his followers while distancing himself from the overt symbols of jihadism, such as the traditional turban.

Born Ahmed al-Sharaa in 1982 to a privileged family in Damascus’s affluent Mazzeh district, al-Jawlani’s trajectory is one of radical transformation. According to the information provided in The Guardian of the UK report, his journey into jihadist ideology began after the September 11, 2001 attacks, a period when he was drawn to al-Qaeda’s ideology. His later years saw him rise as a competitor to the Islamic State group, where he espoused some of the most extreme tenets of political Islam.

In 2017, the U.S. offered a $10 million bounty for Syrian rebel leader Abu Mohammed Al-Jawlani. As the head of Hayat Tahrir al-Sham (HTS), Al-Jawlani has led a successful offensive that overthrew Assad’s regime and captured Damascus.
Source:U.S. Embassy Syria X account pic.twitter.com/XuOWLP3Nl2

— City Mirror (@citymirrorKE) December 8, 2024

This ideological awakening coincided with the U.S.-led invasion of Iraq, prompting him to leave Syria to join Abu Musab al-Zarqawi’s al-Qaeda in Iraq. Detained for five years, al-Jawlani’s ambitions were temporarily thwarted, but his release set the stage for his return to Syria in 2011 during the uprising against Bashar al-Assad.

Seizing the moment, he founded the al-Nusra Front, Syria’s branch of al-Qaeda, in a bid to assert influence over the burgeoning rebellion. His refusal in 2013 to pledge allegiance to Abu Bakr al-Baghdadi, leader of the Islamic State, was less a rejection of extremism than a calculated move to maintain his allegiance to al-Qaeda’s Ayman al-Zawahiri, The Guardian of the UK report indicated. This decision called attention to al-Jawlani’s pragmatism: he sought to position himself as a dominant force in Syria while distancing his group from the increasingly toxic Islamic State.

In an effort to shed the image of a global jihadist and win broader support, al-Jawlani announced a break with al-Qaeda in 2016. According to the information contained in The Guardian of the UK report, he claimed this move was designed to deprive Western powers of a pretext to attack his organization. But this shift, while superficially significant, did little to alter the group’s brutal tactics or ideological core.

In 2017, al-Jawlani further consolidated power by forcing a merger between HTS and rival Islamist factions in northwestern Syria, gaining control over much of Idlib province. Under HTS rule, Idlib became a de facto state, complete with a civilian government and administrative structure. However, this veneer of governance masked widespread abuses. Residents and rights groups have accused HTS of crushing dissent with violence, accusations so severe that the UN has classified them as war crimes.

Al-Jawlani has gone to great lengths to portray himself as a moderate leader focused solely on Syria. In May 2015, he declared that his group had no intention of attacking Western targets and promised that, should Assad fall, there would be no reprisals against Syria’s Alawite minority, from which the Assad family hails. These statements were clearly calculated to allay international fears and gain local support.

However, as Aron Lund of the Century International think tank told The Guardian of the UK, these overtures are likely insincere. Lund observed that al-Jawlani’s assurances of safety to Aleppo’s Christian minority and calls for preserving security in “liberated” areas are part of a broader strategy to appear less threatening. “The less local and international panic you have and the more Jolani seems like a responsible actor instead of a toxic jihadi extremist, the easier his job will become,” Lund explained.

This façade of moderation, however, cannot mask the harsh realities of HTS’s governance. Under its rule, dissent has been met with brutal crackdowns, and the fear of reprisal looms large among religious and ethnic minorities. While al-Jawlani’s rhetoric might suggest a desire to govern responsibly, the actions of HTS betray a continuation of the same oppressive tactics that defined Assad’s regime.

As The Guardian of the UK report emphasized, the Syrian rebels who have taken control in the aftermath of Assad’s departure are no better than the authoritarian regime they replaced. Al-Jawlani’s transformation from an al-Qaeda loyalist to a supposed moderate is not a story of redemption but of opportunism. His ability to manipulate perceptions—whether by renouncing al-Qaeda, merging Islamist factions, or offering hollow assurances to minorities— shines a proverbial spotlight on his primary ambition: consolidating power at any cost.

The promises of the Syrian revolution—freedom, dignity, and democracy—remain unfulfilled as figures such as al-Jawlani rise to prominence. His leadership represents not a break from the past but a continuation of tyranny under a different guise. The international community must heed the warnings and remain vigilant against legitimizing leaders who exploit the language of revolution while perpetuating cycles of violence and oppression.

Abu Mohammed al-Jawlani is no reformer. He is a product of al-Qaeda’s ideology, a tactician who has cloaked his extremism in the rhetoric of moderation to entrench his control over a war-torn nation. The Syrian people, having endured years of conflict under Assad, now face a new brand of tyranny under HTS. As The Guardian of the UK report pointed out, the transition from Assad’s rule to HTS’s dominance offers little reprieve for a population yearning for genuine freedom and justice. The struggle for Syria is far from over, and the world must not be fooled by al-Jawlani’s calculated attempts to rewrite his legacy.