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That this doesn’t put a dent in the messages conveyed at anti-government demonstrations—a biggie being the threat posed to the country by Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu—is not only shameful. It’s counter-productive where securing the freedom of the captives is concerned.
As recently released hostage Omer Shem Tov recounted on Tuesday to Israeli President Isaac Herzog, “The times we were shown television in captivity, [our captors pointed to] the division among the [Israeli] people. … They speak about how Israel will be destroyed from within, and that’s what gives them strength.”
Not that this awareness has caused the protest movement to lower the temperature. On the contrary, it has expanded the focus of its hysteria and operations.
It’s even gone so far as to shift attention from the plight of the hostages to Netanyahu’s firing of Israel Security Agency (Shin Bet) director Ronen Bar and moves to oust Attorney General Gali Baharav-Miara. The sole reason that both are being hailed, rather than disgraced, is that each has been openly at odds with Netanyahu.
The sudden explosion of sympathy for Bar would be comical if it weren’t so tragic. After all, he was the figure most responsible for failing to interpret and prevent Hamas’s movements in the hours leading up to the invasion. He didn’t even wake up Netanyahu or then-Defense Minister Yoav Gallant to inform them that something major was afoot.
Arrogance dictated that he knew better than they how to stave off an “escalation of tensions” with the jihadis along the border. You know, the terrorists whom he believed were “deterred.” And the Gazans he was certain were assuaged by Israeli work permits.
Hamas couldn’t believe its good fortune on that fateful day, owed in large measure to Bar. Nor is the genocidal organization done with exploiting the soon-to-be-ex-Shin Bet honcho.
As if to pay homage to the disgruntled security chief and his newfound champions in the streets of Jerusalem and Tel Avi, Hamas cited the letter Bar sent on Thursday to the ministers in Netanyahu’s Cabinet.
In the lengthy missive, Bar argued that the grounds for his dismissal are insufficient and lack concrete “examples.” Never mind that Netanyahu has no legal obligation to provide evidence to support his decision to sack a subordinate such as Bar. The former is the boss; the latter an appointed underling, no matter how big his britches.
Hamas might not give a hoot about Israeli hierarchy. But it was extremely interested in Bar’s written complaints, especially those in the following passage:
“The decision proposal [to end my tenure] … suggests, incorrectly, that the alleged lack of trust between the prime minister and me stems from our handling of the hostage crisis. Without delving too deeply into this matter, I will note that the recent hostage-release deal was the result of a unique operation personally led by me, with the prime minister’s full knowledge. The deal was reached according to the objectives set by the prime minister, was brought by him for government approval and was endorsed with his support. In light of this, the claim of an alleged lack of trust has no basis—unless the real intent, which I apparently failed to grasp, was to conduct negotiations without actually reaching a deal.”
Hamas quickly came to Bar’s aid, presenting its own version of his words.
“Bar’s statements expose the deliberate game played by the criminal Netanyahu regarding the negotiations, his efforts to sabotage any agreement and his attempts to undermine it after it was reached—all for his personal political goals,” the terrorist organization declared. “These statements, coming from within the leadership of the occupation, emphasize that Netanyahu has been and remains the real obstacle to any prisoner-exchange deal.”
In addition, Hamas claimed, “Netanyahu’s attempts to remove influential security officials from the negotiations reflect his internal crisis and the growing distrust between him and the security establishment, revealing his lack of seriousness in reaching a genuine agreement.”
Finally, it called on Washington to “stop blaming Hamas for the failure of the agreements and instead hold Netanyahu directly responsible for the continued suffering of the prisoners [hostages] and their families.”
To be fair, the anti-Netanyahu choir isn’t at fault for Hamas brutality. But it is to blame for weakening the war effort and encouraging enemy intransigence.
Mass tantrums will not topple the government, especially with the passage of the state budget. All they accomplish is societal malaise—precisely what Hamas is counting on to bolster its bargaining position.

