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This is Not What Victory Looks Like, Certainly Not an Absolute Victory

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This is Not What Victory Looks Like, Certainly Not an Absolute Victory

By: Simcha Rothman

The emerging deal is dangerous for Israel.

It endangers the hostages — those abducted during the Simchat Torah massacre who will not be released, as well as anyone who may be abducted in the future due to the precedent that kidnapping Israelis, whether civilians or soldiers, children or the elderly, is a profitable tactic.

It endangers IDF soldiers during the “ceasefire,” who will face life-threatening risks and the possibility of abduction, as well as the soldiers who will have to re-enter areas where Hamas will have had time to rebuild its strength.

It endangers residents of the Gaza envelope, as enemy forces already in the process of regrouping are planning the next October 7 attack.

And it endangers the State of Israel itself. Unlike the political strength we displayed over the past year and a quarter by acting in accordance with Israeli interests—even when faced with Biden’s “Don’t” and the pressures of the ICC, ICJ, and other international entities—we are now being dragged into a bad deal under the timeline and pressure dictated by others.

If you thought this post would reveal the position of Religious Zionism on leaving the government or my personal stance, you are mistaken.

Nor do I have any hot leaks from the cabinet meeting taking place as I write these lines.

Decisions will be made, actions will be taken. The topic of this post is even greater than the question of how this Knesset, or even the next one, will look in terms of coalition and opposition.

Few people were in the Knesset or government during the time of the Shalit Deal or the disengagement from Gush Katif, but the consequences of those dangerous decisions are still being dealt with today.

My request is focused on the future State of Israel, which will have to grapple with the enormous damage this deal, if implemented, will create for many years to come.

The authority and responsibility for this deal—bad as it seems to me, or as good as it might appear to someone else—rests with the Israeli government and its members who are debating and deciding on the issues it raises. I pray that God will grant wisdom to all of Israel’s leaders, ministers, and advisors, as well as to me, to choose the right course.

I call upon the Israeli government not to approve this bad deal, particularly regarding the release of terrorists involved.

 However, if the government nevertheless decides to proceed and approve this bad deal, do not wait for petitions!

I also appeal to my friends, including those from bereaved families and those who feel this is the most justified protest they can make:

Please, do not file petitions to the Supreme Court against this deal!

The Supreme Court is entirely irrelevant to this matter.

There is no reason that, once the government has decided to approve the deal, hostages should have to wait even a minute longer to be released for the sake of some pre-scripted drama pretending the court has the power to stop the deal.

I know this because I myself filed a petition against the Shalit Deal.

I know this because even back then, I made it clear in interviews that it would be a dark day for Israel if the dangerous and bad Shalit Deal were halted by the court.

At the time, few understood this problem. The Right repeatedly sought to show that we, too, could influence the country and the media discourse by filing petitions to the Supreme Court.

A lot of time has passed since then. We all know that this is no longer the situation, nor should it be.

The problem with this deal is that it undermines the sovereignty of the state. This problem cannot be remedied by turning to the court, which would only further erode that sovereignty.

The public will demand justice from us—from Members of Knesset and government ministers—firmly, without giving us any leeway. Our commitment is to explain every decision that can be justified and to verify everything that needs verifying.

Come to us with your justified grievances. Demand that we resign, or decide that we should still stay in office.

But this is the only arena where this discussion should take place.

The responsibility and authority lie with the elected representatives of the people.

Without the Supreme Court, and without B’Tselem.

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